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SPECIAL SERIES
MIGRATIONS
Migrations: Routes, Dreams and Reality
Multimedia
Corporatism Over Democracy
In the most recent Mexican elections suspicions and accusations of detractors of this political system are confirmed: this transition was only a color switch. This cannot be considered as a democratic setback as the road has not even started yet. (Photo org.ntnu.no/Seinforma)
Although it is not unique to Mexico that the opposition take control of power legislation requiring the Executive to negotiate its political agenda, the historic balance marks a functionality that plays a form of political system based on a simulated democracy legitimated by the dominant elite.
***
09/13/09
By: Jose Osvaldo Torres/ Seinforma Correspondent
Mexico City.- In Mexico, elections were held on 5 July 2009 to renew the federal chamber of deputies and 6 state governors. The results are a parameter of the institutional structures of the country and a historical reflect.
Three political forces faced, which are representatives of the classic ideological spectrum: for the right wing the National Action Party (PAN), for the center wing the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and for the left the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD). Similarly, 5 other parties were presented; they are called emerging political parties and gravitate around these three political forces.
The electoral victory was overwhelming by the PRI over the PAN, getting 5 of 6 governorships and 36% of the vote. On its part, the PAN won a governorship and 28% of the vote.
With this, the PRI won 237 deputies, the PAN 143 and the PRD 71. The other parties like the Green Ecological Party of Mexico won 22, the Labor Party 13 and the New Partnership 8. This composition of the House of Deputies gives extensive control of the PRI on the government of President Felipe Calderón Hinojosa from the PAN.
Although is not unique to Mexico that the opposition take control of power legislation requiring the executive to negotiate their political agenda, the historic balance marks a functionality that plays a form of political system based on a simulated democracy legitimated by the dominant elite.
However, Mexico was thus the same since 2000, as a country immersed in a democratic transition, an issue that had begun in 1988 with the disputed presidential elections in which some accuse of fraud the PRI on the Mexican left, leaving behind a past marked by the alliance of the productive forces and bureaucratic management of social programs where minor social benefits were traded by votes.
This led to the social sciences in the country to change the dominant paradigm: guerrilla and unionism as objects of analysis to the study of political parties and elections; and public opinion polls as a bulwark to measure the mood of a society composed of individual citizens who can recognize their interest in political and social rights and fight for them in political life embodied during election times.
Studies of social movements were cornered in case studies, mostly aimed at the movement of native peoples represented by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zapatista_Army_of_National_Liberation> (EZLN) and in the academies the talk was about governance and citizenship. The study of corporatism and unions passed to a second place; focusing on the history of the newly conquered democracy, where the deputies and senators were exercising their authority without simulating it as in the past.
But in this election suspicions and accusations of detractors of this political system are confirmed; this transition was only a color change, somewhat superficial. The PAN in power, not only didn’t dismantled the PRI electoral machine, but even used it, reproducing a political system that the oldest political party opposition in Mexico has always been critical of.
The PRI won the elections under no arguments of the new democratic paradigm but under the functionality already established 79 years ago, by the bureaucratic corporatism and social benefits proceed, where operators are the governors of each entity and each political party did the same in every State governed by them.
The share of expenditure on media undoubtedly impacted elections but it cannot be put forward that a PRI victory is due to a poor media strategy of the PAN, which is continuing in the functionality of a corporatist system and antidemocratic, where electoral exercise is a market for television and image builders who have little impact on the functionality of a consolidated system.
The social sciences in Mexico should retake the paradigm of corporatism of a few years ago. The Mexican political system has not entered a transition to democracy but in its further Influence peddling <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Influence_peddling> improvement where democracy is only an argument for wasting money in political parties lacking social legitimacy. Today the PRI is not only strong as a party but also in its way of doing politics.
This cannot be considered as a democratic setback as the road has not even started yet.
*Jose Osvaldo Torres is graduate from the Autonomous University of Baja California South, of the Mastery in Social and Humanistic Studies.
By: Jose Osvaldo Torres/ Seinforma Correspondent
Mexico City.- In Mexico, elections were held on 5 July 2009 to renew the federal chamber of deputies and 6 state governors. The results are a parameter of the institutional structures of the country and a historical reflect.
Three political forces faced, which are representatives of the classic ideological spectrum: for the right wing the National Action Party (PAN), for the center wing the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and for the left the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD). Similarly, 5 other parties were presented; they are called emerging political parties and gravitate around these three political forces.
The electoral victory was overwhelming by the PRI over the PAN, getting 5 of 6 governorships and 36% of the vote. On its part, the PAN won a governorship and 28% of the vote.
With this, the PRI won 237 deputies, the PAN 143 and the PRD 71. The other parties like the Green Ecological Party of Mexico won 22, the Labor Party 13 and the New Partnership 8. This composition of the House of Deputies gives extensive control of the PRI on the government of President Felipe Calderón Hinojosa from the PAN.
Although is not unique to Mexico that the opposition take control of power legislation requiring the executive to negotiate their political agenda, the historic balance marks a functionality that plays a form of political system based on a simulated democracy legitimated by the dominant elite.
However, Mexico was thus the same since 2000, as a country immersed in a democratic transition, an issue that had begun in 1988 with the disputed presidential elections in which some accuse of fraud the PRI on the Mexican left, leaving behind a past marked by the alliance of the productive forces and bureaucratic management of social programs where minor social benefits were traded by votes.
This led to the social sciences in the country to change the dominant paradigm: guerrilla and unionism as objects of analysis to the study of political parties and elections; and public opinion polls as a bulwark to measure the mood of a society composed of individual citizens who can recognize their interest in political and social rights and fight for them in political life embodied during election times.
Studies of social movements were cornered in case studies, mostly aimed at the movement of native peoples represented by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zapatista_Army_of_National_Liberation> (EZLN) and in the academies the talk was about governance and citizenship. The study of corporatism and unions passed to a second place; focusing on the history of the newly conquered democracy, where the deputies and senators were exercising their authority without simulating it as in the past.
But in this election suspicions and accusations of detractors of this political system are confirmed; this transition was only a color change, somewhat superficial. The PAN in power, not only didn’t dismantled the PRI electoral machine, but even used it, reproducing a political system that the oldest political party opposition in Mexico has always been critical of.
The PRI won the elections under no arguments of the new democratic paradigm but under the functionality already established 79 years ago, by the bureaucratic corporatism and social benefits proceed, where operators are the governors of each entity and each political party did the same in every State governed by them.
The share of expenditure on media undoubtedly impacted elections but it cannot be put forward that a PRI victory is due to a poor media strategy of the PAN, which is continuing in the functionality of a corporatist system and antidemocratic, where electoral exercise is a market for television and image builders who have little impact on the functionality of a consolidated system.
The social sciences in Mexico should retake the paradigm of corporatism of a few years ago. The Mexican political system has not entered a transition to democracy but in its further Influence peddling <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Influence_peddling> improvement where democracy is only an argument for wasting money in political parties lacking social legitimacy. Today the PRI is not only strong as a party but also in its way of doing politics.
This cannot be considered as a democratic setback as the road has not even started yet.
*Jose Osvaldo Torres is graduate from the Autonomous University of Baja California South, of the Mastery in Social and Humanistic Studies.
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THE “FUNCTIONALITY” OF A SYSTEM IN MEXICO:
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